The World’s Oldest Pornography
It’s at least 3,000 years old, and it’s bi-curious.
The Kangjiashimenji Petroglyphs
Courtesy of Jeannine Davis-Kimball.
Courtesy of Jeannine Davis-Kimball.
Prudes shouldn’t go into archeology. The patina of antiquity may make
a carved ivory phallus, Venus figurine, or vulva painting on a cave
wall priceless, communicating to us from a mute, distant past. But
transplant those images to the modern world and you get dildos, Playboy,
and Georgia O’Keefe. Still, most prehistoric erotic art is abstract,
disembodied. It doesn’t explicitly depict sex-crazed ancients screwing
their brains out for fun and fertility.
But one little-known, mysterious archaeological site does. The
Kangjiashimenji Petroglyphs are bas-relief carvings in a massive
red-basalt outcropping in the remote Xinjiang region of northwest China.
The artwork includes the earliest—and some of the most
graphic—depictions of copulation in the world.
Chinese archeologist Wang Binghua discovered the petroglyphs in the
late 1980s, and Jeannine Davis-Kimball, an expert on Eurasian nomads,
was the first Westerner to see them. Though she wrote about the carvings in scholarly journals, they remain obscure. Google retrieves only a few results, depending on the spelling. The petroglyphs deserve more attention.
The cast of 100 figures presents what is obviously a fertility ritual
(or several). They range in size from more than nine feet tall to just a
few inches. All perform the same ceremonial pose, holding their arms
out and bent at the elbows. The right hand points up and the left hand
points down, possibly to indicate earth and sky.
The few scholars who have studied the petroglyphs think that the
larger-than-life hourglass figures that begin the tableau symbolize
females. They have stylized triangular torsos, shapely hips and legs,
and they wear conical headdresses with wispy decorations. Male images
are smaller triangles with stick legs and bare heads. Ithyphallic
is archeology-talk for “erect penis,” and nearly all of the males have
one. A third set of figures appear to be bisexual. Combining elements of
males and females, they are ithyphallic but wear female headwear, a
decoration on the chest, and sometimes a mask. They might be shamans.
The tableau is divided into four fully-developed scenes beginning at a
height of 30 feet and progressing downward. In the first scene, nine
huge women and two much smaller men dance in a circle, seemingly
admonishing their viewers. This is the only scene without ithyphallic
men—though to the side, a prone bisexual has an obvious erection. Two
symbols near the center look like stallions fighting head to head.
The second scene is packed with weird happenings. Women and men dance
in a frenzy around a large ithyphallic bisexual about to penetrate a
small hourglass female with an explicit vulva. His breastplate depicts a
female head, with a conical headdress just like his. On the left, a
second bisexual in a monkey mask is about to penetrate a small, faceless
female. Nearby, a pair of striped animals lies prone amid bows and
arrows, while at the other end, a giant two-headed female seems to lead
the ritual. Disembodied heads abound, perhaps indicating spectators.
The next scene is smaller and cruder. A chorus line of infants
emerges from a small female being penetrated simultaneously by a male
and a bisexual while three more ithyphallic males await their turn.
Another figure holds a penis longer than he is tall, pointing it at the
sole large woman in the scene. She stands in front of a platform on
which a faceless body lies prone, wearing what looks like the striped
animals’ fur. The body resembles the females copulating in this and the
previous scene. It is the only figure shown with its arms lowered,
probably indicating death in a ritual sacrifice. A small dog is also at
the center.
The last full scene contains no obvious women at all, though the
floating bodies on the upper right may be female. Ithyphallic males and a
bisexual take part in a frenzied dance. One male seems to have his arm
around another while a loner near the bottom seems to be masturbating as
a parade of tiny infants streams from his erection. It looks a lot like
a frat party.
There are four additional scenes that seem more like sketches. Two
include a pair of dogs and another depicts male and female torsos with
multiple heads. The last figure has a very long penis but the body of a
woman and seems to be wearing a conical hat. I think of it as the
artist, though no artist could have carved such a large, complex, and
detailed tableau in a single prehistoric lifetime.
Petroglyphs in Hutubei, Xinjiang province, China.
Courtesy of Jeannine Davis-Kimball
Courtesy of Jeannine Davis-Kimball
While fascinating in themselves, the petroglyphs also reveal a great
deal about the earliest human settlement in China’s westernmost region.
The intricately carved faces all display the long noses, thin mouths,
and defined eye ridges of the Caucasian face. The people in the
petroglyphs came from the West
While unprecedented in Central Asia, the iconography echoes images
far to the west. Triangular female figures with the arms held like those
in the petroglyphs often appear on Copper Age pottery from the Tripolye
culture in what is now Ukraine. The dog symbols are also strikingly
similar.
Could the cultures be related despite a distance of 1,600 miles and
an untold number of years? The answer depends on who created the
petroglyphs. While Chinese scholars attribute them to nomadic cultures
from 1000 B.C., Davis-Kimball points out that nomads generally create
portable art and not huge tableaus. The makers of the petroglyphs had to
have been a sedentary people, since the elaborate artworks appear to
have been carved over a period of centuries. This narrows the potential
candidates down considerably. The only time in prehistory when sedentary
people are known to have populated the region was during the Bronze
Age, the millennium prior to 1000 B.C.
The faces of these settlers are known to the world from desiccated
corpses, perfectly preserved down to their eyelashes and the weave of
their clothes. These mummies have been excavated by the hundreds from Xinjiang’s dry and salty desert sands since the 1980s.
The oldest and most intriguing bodies came from a 20-foot-high,
man-made sand mound about 300 miles south of the petroglyphs. Known as
Xiaohe, or Small River Cemetery No. 5 (SRC5), it was found in 1934 but
then forgotten. The site is in a remote, restricted desert where China
conducted nuclear tests. Rediscovered in 2000, the site had to be
completely excavated in the following years to protect it from looters.
Under the sand lay five layers of burials, from which 30 well-preserved
desiccated corpses were recovered, the oldest dating to 2000 B.C.
The discovery proved politically explosive because most of the Bronze
Age SRC5 mummies had long noses, eye ridges, and red and brown hair,
none of which is typically Chinese. The Caucasian features seemed to
contradict the official government view that the Han Chinese had the
oldest historical claim to Xinjiang, dating to the second century B.C.
The question of which ethnic group lived here first is a serious
issue today. Most of Xinjiang’s inhabitants are not ethnically Chinese
but Uyghur—they belong to a Turkic-speaking, Muslim nationality that
numbers 9 million and gives its name to the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous
Region. They are indistinguishable from typical Europeans, and their
ancestors first settled in Xinjiang in the ninth century.
Uyghur nationalists, who want greater religious and cultural freedom and
more autonomy from China, latched onto the ancient Caucasian mummies to
claim deeper historical roots in the region.
The political conflict hampered research for a while. But when a 2010
genetics study concluded that the oldest mummies weren’t Han Chinese
but weren’t Uyghur either, both sides backed down, leaving the subject
to scientists and scholars where it belonged.
The cemetery where the mummies were found was unique in the world for
its time. The site bristled with nearly 200 poplar posts, up to 12 feet
high, and it required extravagant amounts of lumber. Some of the posts,
painted black and red, were either torpedo-like or resembled oversized
oars. The bodies lay on the sand, covered with boat-like coffins wrapped
in cattle hides.
Viktor Mair, a professor of Chinese language and literature at the
University of Pennsylvania and one of the foremost experts on the
mummies, writes that SRC5 was “a forest of phalluses and vulvas …
blanketed in sexual symbolism.” The torpedoes were phallic symbols
marking all the female graves, while the “oars” marking the male burials
represented vulvas. Many female burials contained carved phalluses at
their sides, and the mound also contained large wooden sculptures with
hyperbolized genitalia. “Such overt, pervasive attention to sexual
reproduction is extremely rare in the world for a burial ground,” according to Mair (pdf).
DNA from the male corpses shows Western origins, while females trace
to both East and West. Mair and other scholars think that the mummy
people’s ancestors were horse riders from the Eastern European steppe
who migrated to the Altai in Asia around 3500 B.C. After 1,500 years,
some of the Altai people’s descendants, herding cattle, horses, camels,
sheep, and goats, ventured south into what is now the Xinjiang region.
Squeezed between the Tien Shan Mountains and the hot Taklimakan Desert,
it is one of the world’s most hostile environments—a place so harsh that
the Silk Road would later detour north or south to avoid it. But
satellite photographs show ancient waterways in what is now barren
desert, allowing those pioneers to survive in green oases in 2000 B.C.
It must have been a precarious existence, with staggeringly high
infant and juvenile mortality. Perhaps that explains the exaggerated
attention to sex and procreation at the cemetery and the high status of
certain women. The largest phallic post at SRC5 was painted entirely red
and stood at the head of an old woman buried under a bright red coffin.
Four other women were buried in rich graves that stood apart from the
others.
The fact that the world’s most sexually explicit graveyard was
located a few hundred miles from the most sexually explicit petroglyphs
can’t have been a coincidence.
Close-up of figure from petroglyphs in Hutubei, Xinjiang province, China.
Courtesy of Jeannine Davis-Kimball
When I asked Mair if the petroglyphs could have been created by the
people who buried their dead in SRC5, he said it was plausible. Perhaps
the new immigrants carved the scenes to record their most important
rituals for posterity.
Mair also noted that Caucasian features and a cultural obsession with
sex aren’t all that linked the two sites, both of which are in the
areas of Bronze Age settlements. Almost every one of the SRC5 mummies—as
well as Bronze Age mummies from other locations—was buried with a
flamboyant conical hat, made of felt and decorated with feathers. Though
stylized in the petroglyphs, the headdresses on the female figures are
also conical with wispy decorations that could be feathers.
The implications are tantalizing. Could the earliest scenes in the
tableau represent fertility rituals originally brought from Europe by
the migrants’ ancestors in 3500 B.C.? Do the large females represent
high-status women like those buried in SRC5’s richest graves? Does the
smaller size of the copulating females signify lower rank? If the two
sites are indeed linked, why are men bare-headed in the petroglyphs but
all wearing hats in the graves? Could they have been the bisexual
shamans in the tableau? Or, as one Chinese scholar has suggested, were
penises added to some of the female figures later, possibly signifying
the shift from matriarchy to patriarchy? And is the iconography really
linked to the Tripolye culture in the West or is it just parallel
cultural evolution?
These are just some of the mysteries surrounding the Kangjiashimenji
Petroglyphs. Hopefully, now that the political pressures have abated,
the site will receive deeper study. But whatever the answers, if any are
ever found, the tableau is at the very least a spectacular
demonstration of sex as one of the driving forces behind the creation of
art.
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